By Joshua Frank, an award-winning California-based journalist and co-editor of CounterPunch. He is the author of the new book Atomic Days: The Untold Story of the Most Toxic Place in America. Originally published at TomDispatch.
Considered Angola’s crown jewel by many, Lobito is a colorful port city on the country’s scenic Atlantic coast where a nearly five-kilometer strip of land creates a natural harbor. Its white sand beaches, vibrant blue waters, and mild tropical climate have made Lobito a tourist destination in recent years. Yet under its shiny new facade is a history fraught with colonial violence and exploitation.
The Portuguese were the first Europeans to lay claim to Angola in the late sixteenth century. For nearly four centuries, they didn’t relent until a bloody, 27-year civil war with anticolonial guerillas (aided by the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces) and bolstered by a leftist coup in distant Lisbon, Portugal’s capital, overthrew that colonial regime in 1974.
Lobito’s port was the economic heart of Portugal’s reign in Angola, along with the meandering 1,866-kilometer Benguela Railway, which first became operational in the early 1900s. For much of the twentieth century, Lobito was the hub for exporting to Europe agricultural goods and metals mined in Africa’s Copperbelt. Today, the Copperbelt remains a resource-rich region encompassing much of the Democratic Republic of Congo and northern Zambia.
Perhaps it won’t shock you to learn that, half a century after Portugal’s colonial control of Angola ended, neocolonialism is now sinking its hooks into Lobito. Its port and the Benguela Railway, which travels along what’s known as the Lobito Corridor, have become a key nucleus of China’s and the Western world’s efforts to transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources in our hot new world. If capitalist interests continue to drive this crucial transition, which is all too likely, while global energy consumption isn’t scaled back radically, the amount of critical minerals needed to power the global future remains unfathomable. The World Economic Forum estimates that three billion tons of metals will be required. The International Energy Forum estimates that to meet the global goals of radically reducing carbon emissions, we’ll also need between 35 and 194 massive copper mines by 2050.
It should come as no surprise that most of the minerals from copper to cobalt needed for that transition’s machinery (including electric batteries, wind turbines, and solar panels) are located in Latin America and Africa. Worse yet, more than half (54%) of the critical minerals needed are on or near Indigenous lands, which means the most vulnerable populations in the world are at the most significant risk of being impacted in a deeply negative fashion by future mining and related operations.
When you want to understand what the future holds for a country in the “developing” world, as economists still like to call such regions, look no further than the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “With growing demand, proceeds from critical minerals are poised to rise significantly over the next two decades,” reports the IMF. “Global revenues from the extraction of just four key minerals — copper, nickel, cobalt, and lithium — are estimated to total $16 trillion over the next 25 years. Sub-Saharan Africa stands to reap over 10 percent of these accumulated revenues, which could correspond to an increase in the region’s GDP by 12 percent or more by 2050.”
Sub-Saharan Africa alone is believed to contain 30% of the world’s total critical mineral reserves. It’s estimated that the Congo is responsible for 70% of global cobalt output and approximately 50% of the globe’s reserves. In fact, the demand for cobalt, a key ingredient in most lithium-ion batteries, is rapidly increasing because of its use in everything from cell phones to electric vehicles. As for copper, Africa has two of the world’s top producers, with Zambia accounting for 70% of the continent’s output. “This transition,” adds the IMF, “if managed properly, has the potential to transform the region.” And, of course, it won’t be pretty.
While such critical minerals might be mined in rural areas of the Congo and Zambia, they must reach the international marketplace to become profitable, which makes Angola and the Lobito Corridor key to Africa’s booming mining industry.
In 2024, China committed $4.5 billion to African lithium mines alone and another $7 billion to investments in copper and cobalt mining infrastructure. In the Congo, for example, China controls 70% of the mining sector.
Having lagged behind that country’s investments in Africa for years, the U.S. is now looking to make up ground.
Zambia’s Copper Colonialism
In September 2023, on the sidelines of the G20 meeting in India, Secretary of State Antony Blinken quietly signed an agreement with Angola, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the European Union to launch the Lobito Corridor project. There wasn’t much fanfare or news coverage, but the United States had made a significant move. Almost 50 years after Portugal was forced out of Angola, the West was back, offering a $4 billion commitment and assessing the need to update the infrastructure first built by European colonizers. With a growing need for critical minerals, Western countries are now setting their sights on Africa and its green energy treasures.
“We meet at a historic moment,” President Joe Biden said as he welcomed Angolan President João Lourenço to Washington last year. Biden then called the Lobito project the “biggest U.S. rail investment in Africa ever” and affirmed the West’s interest in what the region might have to offer in the future. “America,” he added, “is all in on Africa… We’re all in with you and Angola.”
Both Africa and the U.S., Biden was careful to imply, would reap the benefits of such a coalition. Of course, that’s precisely the kind of rhetoric we can expect when Western (or Chinese) interests are intent on acquiring the resources of the Global South. If this were about oil or coal, questions and concerns would undoubtedly be raised regarding America’s regional intentions. Yet, with the fight against climate change providing cover, few are considering the geopolitical ramifications of such a position — and even fewer acknowledging the impacts of massively increased mining on the continent.
In his book Cobalt Red, Siddharth Kara exposes the bloody conditions cobalt miners in the Congo endure, many of them children laboring against their will for days on end, with little sleep and under excruciatingly abusive conditions. The dreadful story is much the same in Zambia, where copper exports account for more than 70% of the country’s total export revenue. A devastating 126-page report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) from 2011 exposed the wretchedness inside Zambia’s Chinese-owned mines: 18-hour work days, unsafe working environments, rampant anti-union activities, and fatal workplace accidents. There is little reason to believe it’s much different in the more recent Western-owned operations.
“Friends tell you that there’s a danger as they’re coming out of shift,” a miner who was injured while working for a Chinese company told HRW. “You’ll be fired if you refuse, they threaten this all the time… The main accidents are from rock falls, but you also have electrical shocks, people hit by mining trucks underground, people falling from platforms that aren’t stable… In my accident, I was in a loading box. The mine captain… didn’t put a platform. So when we were working, a rock fell down and hit my arm. It broke to the extent that the bone was coming out of the arm.”
An explosion at one mine killed 51 workers in 2005 and things have only devolved since then. Ten workers died in 2018 at an illegal copper extraction site. In 2019, three mineworkers were burned to death in an underground shaft fire and a landslide at an open-pit copper mine in Zambia killed more than 30 miners in 2023. Despite such horrors, there’s a rush to extract ever more copper in Zambia. As of 2022, five gigantic open-pit copper mines were operating in the country, and eight more underground mines were in production, many of which are to be further expanded in the years ahead. With new U.S.-backed mines in the works, Washington believes the Lobito Corridor may prove to be the missing link needed to ensure Zambian copper will end up in green energy goods consumed in the West.
AI Mining for AI Energy
The office of KoBold Metals in quaint downtown Berkeley, California, is about as far away from Zambia’s dirty mines as you can get. Yet, at KoBold’s nondescript headquarters, which sits above a row of trendy bars and restaurants, a team of tech entrepreneurs diligently work to locate the next big mine operation in Zambia using proprietary Artificial Intelligence (AI). Backed by billionaires Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos, KoBold bills itself as a green Silicon Valley machine, committed to the world’s green energy transition (while turning a nice profit).
It is in KoBold’s interest, of course, to secure the energy deposits of the future because it will take an immense amount of energy to support their artificially intelligent world. A recent report by the International Energy Agency estimates that, in the near future, electricity usage by AI data centers will increase significantly. As of 2022, such data centers were already utilizing 460 terawatt hours (TWh) but are on pace to increase to 1,050 TWh by the middle of the decade. To put that in perspective, Europe’s total energy consumption in 2023 was around 2,700 TWh.
“Anyone who’s in the renewable space in the western world… is looking for copper and cobalt, which are fundamental to making electric vehicles,” Mfikeyi Makayi, chief executive of KoBold in Zambia, explained to the Financial Times in 2024. “That is going to come from this part of the world and the shortest route to take them out is Lobito.”
Makayi wasn’t beating around the bush. The critical minerals in KoBold mines won’t end up in the possession of Zambia or any other African country. They are bound for Western consumers alone. KoBold’s CEO Kurt House is also honest about his intentions: “I don’t need to be reminded again that I’m a capitalist,” he’s been known to quip.
In July 2024, House rang his company’s investors with great news: KoBold had just hit the jackpot in Zambia. Its novel AI tech had located the largest copper find in more than a decade. Once running, it could produce upwards of 300,000 tons of copper annually — or, in the language investors understand, the cash will soon flow. As of late summer 2024, one ton of copper on the international market cost more than $9,600. Of course, KoBold has gone all in, spending $2.3 billion to get the Zambian mine operable by 2030. Surely, KoBold’s investors were excited by the prospect, but not everyone was as thrilled as them.
“The value of copper that has left Zambia is in the hundreds of billions of dollars. Hold that figure in your mind, and then look around yourself in Zambia,” says Zambian economist Grieve Chelwa. “The link between resource and benefit is severed.”
Not only has Zambia relinquished the benefits of such mineral exploitation, but — consider it a guarantee — its people will be left to suffer the local mess that will result.
The Poisoned River
Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) is today the largest ore producer in Zambia, ripping out a combined two million tons of copper a year. It’s one of the nation’s largest employers, with a brutally long record of worker and environmental abuses. KCM runs Zambia’s largest open-pit mine, which stretches for seven miles. In 2019, the British-based Vedanta Resources acquired an 80% stake in KCM by covering $250 million of that company’s debt. Vedanta has deep pockets and is run by Indian billionaire Anil Agarwal, affectionately known in the mining world as “the Metal King.”
One thing should be taken for granted: You don’t become the Metal King without leaving entrails of toxic waste on your coattails. In India, Agarwal’s alumina mines have polluted the lands of the Indigenous Kondh tribes in Orissa Province. In Zambia, his copper mines have wrecked farmlands and waterways that once supplied fish and drinking water to thousands of villagers.
The Kafue River runs for more than 1,500 kilometers, making it Zambia’s longest river and now probably its most polluted as well. Going north to south, its waters flow through the Copperbelt, carrying with them cadmium, lead, and mercury from KCM’s mine. In 2019, thousands of Zambian villagers sued Vedanta, claiming its subsidiary KCM had poisoned the Kafue River and caused insurmountable damage to their lands.
The British Supreme Court then found Vedanta liable, and the company was forced to pay an undisclosed settlement, likely in the millions of dollars. Such a landmark victory for those Zambian villagers couldn’t have happened without the work of Chilekwa Mumba, who organized communities and convinced an international law firm to take up the case. Mumba grew up in the Chingola region of Zambia, where his father worked in the mines.
“[T]here was some environmental degradation going on as a result of the mining activities. As we found, there were times when the acid levels of water was so high,” explained Mumba, the 2023 African recipient of the prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize. “So there were very specific complaints about stomach issues from children. Children just really wander around the villages and if they are thirsty, they don’t think about what’s happening, they’ll just get a cup and take their drink of water from the river. That’s how they live. So they’ll usually get diseases. It’s hard to quantify, but clearly the impact was there.”
Sadly enough, though, despite that important legal victory, little has changed in Zambia, where environmental regulations remain weak and nearly impossible to enforce, which leaves mining companies like KCM to regulate themselves. A 2024 Zambian legislative bill seeks to create a regulatory body to oversee mining operations, but the industry has pushed back, making it unclear if it will ever be signed into law. Even if the law does pass, it may have little real-world impact on mining practices there.
The warming climate, at least to the billionaire mine owners and their Western accomplices, will remain an afterthought, as well as a justification to exploit more of Africa’s critical minerals. Consider it a new type of colonialism, this time with a green capitalist veneer. There are just too many AI programs to run, too many tech gadgets to manufacture, and too much money to be made.
I find that mention of the port city of Lobito vaguely ominous. There is an excellent 1974 book by Frederick Forsyth called “The Dogs of War” in which a London mining magnate has a band of mercs recruited to overthrown an African government so that a local patsy can sell the mineral right to a treasure trove in the interior that was accidentally discovered. Forget the dopey movie and read the book. Point is that Frederick Forsyth in his researches looked for a port city which would be the scene of the final attack in his book and you can guess which one it was-
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Dogs_of_War_(novel)
In the 70s they had mercs but these days they use private military contractors like Aegis, Academi, Wagner – who are made up of mercs. Mercs got corporatized.
“The scramble for Africa” redux. This will end in tears …
Exactly. I have just finished the memoirs of Frederick Russel Burnham the famous scout, who served in both Matabele wars and the Boer war even back then in 1893 he was drooling over the mineral potential of the country. I don’t judge a man by our time to by his own, and he was not bad for his times, per se. Sounds like nothing much is changed in over a century.
I thought Forsyth’s book was about Equatorial Guinea, which Forsyth helped fund an attempted coup in before the book came out.
He did but if you read the description of the port in that book, it matches that of Lobito.
Incidentally, the Zambian copper mines were nationalised right after independence. Revenue from them kept the country afloat through twenty years of conflict with the white south. Then came multi-party democracy, heavily funded by foreign big business, and surprise surprise, the first thing the new foreign-backed democratic government did was hand the copper mines over to multinationals. Zambia has never recovered from that.
Sadly, ever since independence back in the 60s most of these black-run governments have been thoroughly “whiteified,” by money and white interests and care little for the people.
Comprador elites are pure poison to their fellow citizens. It’s a tragedy.
Intermittent renewables and AI don’t mix. Its nuclear or gas.
AI and geological exploration don’t mix either.
Come on now, everybody loves auto-tune.
Conor.
Appreciate the post. Soft colonialism in the rules based order’s approved manner.
In the last: This week in Africa, there are references to two interesting readings about this green neocolonialism:
“Judd Devermont argues that framing the Lobito corridor railroads as a race for Africa’s minerals is all wrong. But is it?”
https://thisweekinafrica.substack.com/p/this-week-in-africa-51e#:~:text=Judd%20Devermont%20argues%20that%20framing%20the%20Lobito%20corridor%20railroads%20as%20a%20race%20for%20Africa%E2%80%99s%20minerals%20is%20all%20wrong.%20But%20is%20it%3F
“The Portuguese were the first Europeans to lay claim to Angola in the late sixteenth century. For nearly four centuries, they didn’t relent until a bloody, 27-year civil war with anti-colonial guerillas (aided by the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces) and bolstered by a leftist coup in distant Lisbon, Portugal’s capital, overthrew that colonial regime in 1974.”
I really had to stop reading with any attention after this paragraph full with fantasies…
It’s hard to come up with such blatant errors in so few lines…
The Portuguese were not the first Europeans to lay claim to Angola, in fact they were the only ones through the four hundred something years of Portuguese colonial history in Africa.
To write that they did not relent until a 27 year civil war, shows an astounding level of ignorance…
Before that bloody civil war there were 14 years of independence wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. It was in Angola that took place the first skirmishes against the colonial rule, and in fact they mark the beginning of the so called War of the Overseas (Guerra do Ultramar), which was basically the several independence wars in those (then) colonial provinces.
The colonial rule in fact it did end after the military coup in Portugal. The coup was not a leftist one, it was a military coup made by the same men that were fighting (and dying) in Africa, who by then had already came to the conclusion that the war could only have a political solution and for that to happen it was necessary to overthrow the regime (the longest dictatorship in Europe, 48 years). As an aside, one of the motos of the coup were the 3Ds, to democratize, to develop and to decolonize.
The coup took place on the 25th of April of 1974, and the independence of the former African colonies only took place in 1975, more than a year after the coup.
Angola declared it’s independence on the 11th of November of 1975. After that in fact there was almost immediately a really bloody civil war (that had already been boiling, the Cuban troops were already in Angola by the date of the independence, since August 75 at least).
Like everything else, the history of that civil war is complicated. Let’s just say that among many other interesting episodes of those long years of war, the Cuban troops were for (quite) some time responsible for the security of the American oil exploration in the enclave of Cabinda.
And let’s just say that Cabinda is in itself another complicated history, still unresolved nowadays… Historically speaking (and probably legally) Cabinda it’s not really Angolan… Although de facto is nowadays an Angolan province…
I could go on about that Neo-colonianism in the post… let’s just leave it, when it comes to Angola, at the level of destruction that the country faced with 40 years of war…
Anyway sorry for the long rant, but when an article starts with such blatant and basic errors, it’s hard to take it really serious… Although the subject is a really important one, unfortunately is usually filled with several common places, and an ignorance about the complexities and intricacies of Africa. And the point of view is almost always an Occidental one, meaning the voice of Africans is almost always absent (to be true, in this article you’ve got at least a few ones…)
To finish just a suggestion… if anybody’s interested in the Angolan civil war, for English speakers this book by Justin Pearce it’s a good place to start…
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/19/world/africa/isabel-dos-santos.html
January 19. 2020
How U.S. Firms Helped Africa’s Richest Woman Exploit Her Country’s Wealth
By Michael Forsythe, Kyra Gurney, Scilla Alecci and Ben Hallman
LISBON — It was the party to be seen at during the Cannes Film Festival, where being seen was the whole point. A Swiss jewelry company had rented out the opulent Hotel du Cap-Eden-Roc, drawing celebrities like Leonardo DiCaprio, Naomi Campbell and Antonio Banderas. The theme: “Love on the Rocks.”
Posing for photos at the May 2017 event was Isabel dos Santos, Africa’s richest woman and the daughter of José Eduardo dos Santos, then Angola’s president. Her husband controls the jeweler, De Grisogono, through a dizzying array of shell companies in Luxembourg, Malta and the Netherlands.
But the lavish party was possible only because of the Angolan government. The country is rich in oil and diamonds but hobbled by corruption, with grinding poverty, widespread illiteracy and a high infant mortality rate. A state agency had sunk more than $120 million into the jewelry company. Today, it faces a total loss.
Ms. dos Santos, estimated to be worth over $2 billion, claims she is a self-made woman who never benefited from state funds. But a different picture has emerged under media scrutiny in recent years: She took a cut of Angola’s wealth, often through decrees signed by her father. She acquired stakes in the country’s diamond exports, its dominant mobile phone company, two of its banks and its biggest cement maker, and partnered with the state oil giant to buy into Portugal’s largest petroleum company.
Now, a trove of more than 700,000 documents obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, and shared with The New York Times, shows how a global network of consultants, lawyers, bankers and accountants helped her amass that fortune and park it abroad. Some of the world’s leading professional service firms — including the Boston Consulting Group, McKinsey & Company and PwC — facilitated her efforts to profit from her country’s wealth while lending their legitimacy.
The empire she and her husband built stretches from Hong Kong to the United States, comprising over 400 companies and subsidiaries. It encompasses properties around the world, including a $55 million mansion in Monte Carlo, a $35 million yacht and a luxury residence in Dubai on a seahorse-shaped artificial island.
Among the businesses was the Swiss jewelry company, which records and interviews reveal was led by a team recruited from Boston Consulting. They ran it into the ground….
MarqueJaune: A terrific comment.
Please do go on to read the New York Times article on Angola’s governors in 2020:
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1vNc1
August 4, 2014
Real per capita Gross Domestic Product for Mozambique, Angola and Portugal, 1981-2023
(Percent change)
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1vNcb
August 4, 2014
Real per capita Gross Domestic Product for Mozambique, Angola and Portugal, 1981-2023
(Indexed to 1981)
CA: thank you for your kind words!
I do intent to read that article about Isabel dos Santos.
Although nowadays she’s not as powerful as she used to be, and most likely not as rich as she was (but she’ll probably still has more than enough to lead a very comfortable life…)
She has had to face several lawsuits, had to sell some important assets and Sindika Doloko, her husband and also a very wealthy man, died in a diving accident in 2020.
There were some changes (although most would argue, not enough) when João Lourenço became president after several decades of José Eduardo dos Santos rule. José Eduardo, nicknamed Zédu was Isabel’s father.
Let me suggest another title that traces a very interesting picture of the corruption in Angola. Although not very up-to-date, given that it was published in 2015.
This Magnificent and Beggar Land
As I was preparing dinner I came across this short conversation from Rachel Bleavins with a South-African scholar, which is so much more clarifying about what’s at stake in West Africa (the port of Lobito, the Benguela corridor and the mineral wealth of the region are talked about) than the present article here in NC.
https://africasacountry.com/author/justin-pearce
Here then are 5 articles on southern Africa by Cambridge scholar Justin Pearce: 4 articles on Angola, an associated article on Mozambique.
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1vNTi
August 4, 2014
Real per capita Gross Domestic Product for China, South Africa, Botswana, Namibia and Angola, 1981-2023
(Percent change)
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/graph/?g=1vNTV
August 4, 2014
Real per capita Gross Domestic Product for China, South Africa, Botswana, Namibia and Angola, 1981-2023
(Indexed to 1981)
Just a minor detail…
After the previous comment I started thinking about dates and events of Portugal’s colonial rule in Africa (and elsewhere…) and had to check some…
In fact, the Portuguese colonial history in Africa lasts for more than 500 years.
The event that marks the beginning of that (long) period is the conquest of the city of Ceuta in Northern Africa (in today’s Morocco), in the year 1415. It officially ended in 1975, with the independence of a handful of African countries (on top of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, there is also Cape Verde and São Tomé e Príncipe).
So, in total it’s 560 years of colonial rule/history…
Strange that the article starts off about Chinese rapaciousness in Africa but in the end is about anglo capitalist corporations looting it.