Rethinking Unemployment Insurance: New Evidence on Hidden Costs

By Jonas Jessen, Postdoctoral Researcher at German Institute for Employment Research (IAB), Robin Jessen, head of the research group “Microstructure of Taxes and Transfers” and researcher at the Department of Macroeconomics and Public Finance at RWI – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research in Berlin, Andrew C. Johnston, Associate Professor of Economics at the University of California, Merced and a Faculty Research Fellow at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), and Ewa Gałecka-Burdziak, Associate Professor at SGH Warsaw School of Economics. Originally published at VoxEU.

As governments worldwide grapple with labour shortages and systemic budget shortfalls, the question arises of how unemployment insurance policies potentially contribute to this imbalance by increasing and extending nonemployment. This column argues that recent debates around unemployment insurance reform, which often focus on the effect among job seekers, overlook potential unintended consequences among the employed. Taking moral hazard among employed workers into account has substantial effects on the welfare implications of unemployment insurance.

Traditional analyses of unemployment insurance (UI) systems examine how benefit generosity affects job search behaviour and unemployment duration. Recent research by Bell et al. (2024) and Landais (2015), for example, demonstrates that more generous benefits lead to longer unemployment spells. However, these studies capture only part of the story by focusing on the unemployed alone.

Our research (Jessen et al. 2025) reveals a previously underexplored dimension: UI generosity also significantly influences currently employed workers’ behaviour. Using unique policy discontinuities in Poland’s unemployment insurance system, we find that higher UI benefits not only extend unemployment spells but can actually increase transitions into unemployment, particularly when benefits are both generous and long-lasting.

The Natural Experiment: Poland

Poland’s UI system provides an ideal setting to study these effects through two distinct policy features:

  1. Potential benefit duration: Claimants receive 12 months of benefits instead of six if local unemployment exceeds a certain threshold (Jessen et al. 2023)
  2. Benefit level: Workers receive 25% higher monthly benefits after reaching five years of covered employment

These clear cut-offs create natural comparison groups on either side of each cut-off, allowing us to measure how UI generosity affects outcomes for both employed and unemployed workers. Figure 1 illustrates the potential benefit duration (PBD) variation by plotting average benefit and unemployment duration around the threshold where the potential benefit duration increases by six months.

Figure 1 Benefit and unemployment duration around the PBD threshold

Notes: Figures show months in benefit receipt an in unemployment in bins of percentage point of county’s relative employment rate.

Key Findings

Leveraging the policy variations in the Polish UI system, we find that increasing benefit levels or benefit durations by 10% both lead to a 3% increase in unemployment duration. As extending benefit durations has a larger impact on total benefits paid, this comes with a higher direct cost for taxpayers.

As the variation in benefit levels and benefit duration is independent, the setting allows us to provide novel insights into how the two key parameters of UI generosity interact. In a two-way regression discontinuity design, we find that the effect of benefit level increases is substantially larger when the benefit duration is also extended. In Figure 2, we present monthly estimates of the level-duration interaction, showing that this amplifying effect materialises after benefits expire under the less generous regime (the coverage effect; see Bell et al. 2024). The positive interaction suggests that the moral hazard costs of increasing benefit levels are substantially amplified when workers have access to longer benefit durations.

Figure 2 Monthly estimation of the benefit-duration-level-interaction term of two-way regression discontinuity estimates

Note: Figure shows monthly RD estimates of the interaction term of PBD extensions and benefit level (BL) increases. Shaded areas indicate 85% confidence intervals.

We also study whether a more generous UI can improve workers’ long-term prospects by improving job match quality as documented by Kugler et al. (2021) and Weber and Nekoei (2015). Tracking workers over five years after their initial unemployment spell we find no evidence that workers benefit from more stable job matches as we find no decreased unemployment probability over the five-year horizon.

We move on to examine whether unemployment insurance creates moral hazard among employed workers by increasing transitions into unemployment. A 10% increase in potential benefit duration leads to a modest increase of 1.2% in unemployment inflow. Yet, strikingly, a 10% increase in benefit level generates a substantially larger increase in unemployment inflows of 13-17%.

A summary of the effects of increases in benefit levels and durations is presented in Table 1. The large difference in inflow effects suggests that increasing benefit levels generates larger distortions among the employed. 

Table 1 Effects of a 10% increase in UI generosity

Policy Implications

Our findings have profound implications for UI policy design. The traditional focus on balancing consumption smoothing against job search incentives misses a crucial aspect: the effect on employed workers’ behaviour. Our welfare analysis suggests that accounting for this ‘employed worker moral hazard’ dramatically changes the cost-benefit calculation of UI policies.

For instance, in the standard model that only considers unemployed workers’ behaviour, the cost of transferring $1 to the unemployed through higher benefits is about $2.3 in behavioural distortions. However, when we extend the canonical models for welfare analysis to include the effect on employed workers, this cost rises to over $10, primarily due to increased transitions into unemployment. For benefit extensions the behavioural distortions increase from $2.5 to $3.6.

This does not mean UI benefits should be eliminated – they play a crucial role in providing economic security and enabling effective job search. However, policymakers should consider (1) reducing the benefit level while increasing benefit durations, as they create fewer distortions and provide more value to those truly in need; and (2) experimenting with insurance programmes that mitigate moral hazard by either paying claims as a lump sum or using unemployment insurance savings accounts that reward workers when they avoid unemployment (Feldstein and Altman 2007).

Looking Forward

As workforces age and budget liabilities come due, understanding these complex policy interactions becomes increasingly important. Our findings suggest that optimal UI policy requires a more comprehensive approach than previously thought. While providing adequate support for the unemployed remains valuable, policymakers must also consider how benefit structures affect social welfare by their effects on employment and output, which shapes overall welfare.

References available at the original.

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About Lambert Strether

Readers, I have had a correspondent characterize my views as realistic cynical. Let me briefly explain them. I believe in universal programs that provide concrete material benefits, especially to the working class. Medicare for All is the prime example, but tuition-free college and a Post Office Bank also fall under this heading. So do a Jobs Guarantee and a Debt Jubilee. Clearly, neither liberal Democrats nor conservative Republicans can deliver on such programs, because the two are different flavors of neoliberalism (“Because markets”). I don’t much care about the “ism” that delivers the benefits, although whichever one does have to put common humanity first, as opposed to markets. Could be a second FDR saving capitalism, democratic socialism leashing and collaring it, or communism razing it. I don’t much care, as long as the benefits are delivered. To me, the key issue — and this is why Medicare for All is always first with me — is the tens of thousands of excess “deaths from despair,” as described by the Case-Deaton study, and other recent studies. That enormous body count makes Medicare for All, at the very least, a moral and strategic imperative. And that level of suffering and organic damage makes the concerns of identity politics — even the worthy fight to help the refugees Bush, Obama, and Clinton’s wars created — bright shiny objects by comparison. Hence my frustration with the news flow — currently in my view the swirling intersection of two, separate Shock Doctrine campaigns, one by the Administration, and the other by out-of-power liberals and their allies in the State and in the press — a news flow that constantly forces me to focus on matters that I regard as of secondary importance to the excess deaths. What kind of political economy is it that halts or even reverses the increases in life expectancy that civilized societies have achieved? I am also very hopeful that the continuing destruction of both party establishments will open the space for voices supporting programs similar to those I have listed; let’s call such voices “the left.” Volatility creates opportunity, especially if the Democrat establishment, which puts markets first and opposes all such programs, isn’t allowed to get back into the saddle. Eyes on the prize! I love the tactical level, and secretly love even the horse race, since I’ve been blogging about it daily for fourteen years, but everything I write has this perspective at the back of it.

4 comments

  1. Cervantes

    I don’t get it. What’s the link between employee moral hazard and unemployment? Do Polish workers just choose to get unemployed? In the U.S., people don’t typically choose to quit and then draw unemployment benefits.

    Even if there is more agency where workers can facilitate their own unemployment and get benefits, how is this a fair welfare model? Did they consider whether such workers have more bargaining power and hence get higher wages? The text implies that the authors only checked whether workers with higher benefits have higher unemployment odds over 5 years, not whether they have higher wages or better working conditions: “Tracking workers over five years after their initial unemployment spell we find no evidence that workers benefit from more stable job matches as we find no decreased unemployment probability over the five-year horizon.”

    Does the actual paper address cohort issues? If benefits are higher in areas with more unemployment, surely that means you’ll see a correlation between benefit level and workers entering unemployment–the economy there is worse?

    Reply
  2. DFWCom

    A nice piece of work.

    Re ‘moral hazard’, the MMT perspective is that it is preferable for the state to provide a job than to enable soul-destroying exclusion from the workforce. And, of course, funding does not come from the taxpayer it comes from the state.

    While almost entirely contrarian, MMT is never more so than in stating the state can provide useful employment – that there is nothing ‘superior’ in private employment vs public. Indeed, it argues a moral hazard in monopoly private employment suppressing wages and degrading working conditions – the gig economy – and that private employment that cannot provide a living wage, including benefits, should be eliminated by a state-run job guarantee.

    It takes us down a path of wondering why working hours are so long, what happened to leisure and what is ‘work’ anyway – a word whose precise meaning is thermodynamic that we borrowed from steam engines.

    And, of course, what ‘GDP’ – a measure of extraction and ruthless blindness to so-called ‘externalities’ has to do with anything relating human, social, environmental or planetary health and why we have to monetize everything in the first place.

    Just saying, when it comes to moral hazard let’s not stop at the employed worker looking over her shoulder for a ‘free’ lunch.

    Reply
  3. mrsyk

    Hmmm. I know not enough of Poland to speak specifically, but from thirty thousand feet I’m not seeing a discussion of the potential influence from;

    Long Covid/ADD, (I can’t focus on detail work anymore)
    Multi front existential crisis, ( what me worry?)
    Tail effect of transitioning to the digital age, (My skill set is no longer relevant/I don’t “speak the new language” well enough to get a job worth taking)
    Immigrants, (surely they have an effect)
    “Hustle economy”, (ditto)

    It reads as if there are abundant jobs with good pay that leave your dignity attached. I’m having a hard time believing.

    Reply
    1. judy2shoes

      >>It reads as if there are abundant jobs with good pay that leave your dignity attached.

      Thank you, mrsyk. With respect to dignity, I would add that the unemployment claim process which I am familiar with, unfortunately, here in one of the bluest of blue states, is designed to make one feel like a criminal in every step of the process from the initial filing and continuing through the submission of each weekly claim. One is faced with bold, glaring words warning of dire consequences if one’s claim isn’t “valid.” It’s a soul-destroying process, and leaves one with no dignity whatsoever.

      Reply

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